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Last Updated: Wednesday, May 17, 2006 04:40:50 AM 

Locked out of the Courthouse
- The Story of Anthony L. Hargis -
(Posted here by Wes Penre, April 29, 2005)


(Print-Friendly Version)
 


 

Table of Contents:
 

Locked Out of the Courthouse

The Crime Of...

The American Inquisition

The Money of Cannibalism

The Right Of Revolution

Fires That Cry
 


Anthony L. Hargis
2427 N. Tustin Av. Suite B
Santa Ana, Cal. 92705

When the Soviet slave pen collapsed some dozen years ago, the federal government recruited several former communist party members and gave them employment in the Departments of Justice and Treasury, and appointed several as federal judges.

Evidence of such favors to these former Soviet attorneys and judges is beginning to surface as a result of several odd cases that have occurred recently.

In one of those cases, the government threw Anthony Hargis in jail for five and a half months, confiscated his company, and fabricated a ridiculous tax liability of more than thirty-two millions against him.

So what’s so unusual about this case?  Let’s take these events one at a time.

First, the jail time; Anthony is a writer and offered his customers a kind of banking service.  The government wanted to investigate Anthony to determine whether or not he was organizing “abusive tax shelters”; and asked Anthony to turn-over all records pertaining to his customers.  Anthony explains that he gives no tax advice; and has never helped anyone organize a tax shelter of any kind, whether abusive or not.  Se, he suspected the government actually wanted to intimidate his supporters, and refused to turn-over his records; so the government jailed him.

As the months dragged by, and Anthony gave no sign that he would comply with the government’s request for records, the government became alarmed; and finally hit upon the idea of confiscating his company, which consisted entirely of his customers’ property. 

Anthony claims that the tax liability against him is a soup of something beyond fairy tales.  For one, Anthony says that, for the six years in question, he earned no more than two hundred thousand dollars – and the government wants him to pay thirty three millions in taxes on such earnings.  Fairy tale number two is that, while the government used customers’ property to create a tax liability against Anthony, it declared an intent to use the same property to fabricate tax liabilities against each of his customers.  Fairy tale number three is in a reality far, far away from earth; for two of the years in question, the government used the same set of numbers (derived from customers’ property) to fabricate tax liabilities of approximately four and a third millions each against Anthony and two of his associates; and intends to use the same set of numbers as in fairy tale number two.

There are other fairy tales and other realities – or fantasies; but Anthony says those given are enough for now.

According to Anthony and his lawyers, all that was done to his customers and him were done without any evidence of wrongdoing, with no opportunity to examine their “accuser,” with no opportunity to present their case to a jury.

Why?  Anthony remarks, “If my customers or I had broken a law – or, if my arguments were groundless, the government would have been delighted to carry this case to trial, where it could have made a three-ring circus out of it, and publicly made a fool of me – all with endless publicity.  Instead, we were accused of a crime that never happened, deprived of resources needed to defend ourselves, and then, effectively, locked out of the courthouse.”
 


       In the process, by the account of Anthony, the government and judge committed at least half a dozen major constitutional violations.

The case is on appeal; if Anthony should win, everything done to his customers and Anthony would become unlawful: the jail time, confiscation, and the fairy-tale assessments.  It would be a major disaster for the government, and probably mean the end of the judge’s career, at least.  The judge seems to know this, and is protecting himself by refusing to produce a transcript needed for Anthony’s appeal. A transcript is an essential part of an appeal; it works this way: no transcript, no appeal; no appeal, no reversal of judgment; no reversal, no penalty for abuse of power.  See how easy it is to circumvent limitations on power.

There was not a trace of due process.  So, what was it that triggered this inquisitorial feeding frenzy of violations – as Anthony describes it?

The real purpose, according to Anthony and his lawyers, was to retaliate against him for the information in his writings, and against his customers for supporting him.

In Plantation America, Anthony demonstrates that, to apply for a Social Security card is to surrender all rights.  Anthony’s lawyer researched his material for two years before he was ready to help Anthony with a lawsuit against the Social Security Administration; its purpose was to settle a question of law, “Do we surrender any rights when we apply for an SS card?” – a question someone should have asked seventy years ago.  Anthony asserts that he had the court in a position where it had to commit a gross fraud or expose an unprecedented treason: for, it is the purpose of government to secure our rights – not annihilate them.  Before Anthony could make any progress on his case, however, the government practically destroyed him, as explained above.

In The Lost Right, Anthony explains that Americans have a constitutionally-protected right to withhold their taxes until the government redresses their grievances; it is a component of the much larger right of petition.  American Founders clearly declared this right, and then used it to abolish, create and reform American governments; indeed, this right was the engine that powered the American Revolution.  English and American histories have shown that this right is the only mechanism that can make rights secure, and governments accountable.  Our misfortune, claims Anthony, is that knowledge of this right has been lost for more than two hundred years – this is why we have no rights, and a government of thieves.  Of the very few Americans who use this right, they might use one twentieth of its power; The Lost Right explains the remaining ninety-five percent of its power, as Anthony currently understands it.

In American Inquisition, Anthony claims that American taxes are modeled on Catholic-inquisitorial procedures; and, in the process, he lists several reasons why the income tax, and most, or all, internal taxes are unconstitutional.  One quick example that appears in this book, in the 1909 debates concerning the proposed sixteenth amendment, a Senator from Texas proposed to amend it to permit the income tax to be “graded,” that is, graduated.  This proposed amendment to the amendment was defeated; here is clear, irrefutable, language that framers of the sixteenth did not intend to authorize a graduated income tax.  The current income tax, therefore, is unconstitutional.  Now, an example relative to internal taxes: the federal government derives its taxing power from Article one, section eight; however, this same section requires that the taxing power be used in such a way as to “provide for the general welfare and common defense.”  When the government imposes taxes on domestic workers or companies and does not impose equal or greater taxes on foreign workers or companies, such taxes reduce the general welfare and common defense – and are unconstitutional, according to Anthony.  After showing these taxes to be unlawful, he then proposes a common-sense and novel alternative, that all taxes should be imposed only on those who make them necessary; namely, on domestic and foreign bandits and cutthroats.  Now, who would oppose such proposals?

His observations concerning internal taxes make this book especially important in the context of the debates concerning efforts to replace the income tax with some kind of national sales tax.  Anthony shows that one is, and the other would be, unconstitutional.

The government, without reading this book, declared Anthony’s opinions false, and used this declaration as the basis to jail him, take his customers’ property, and impose those ridiculous fairy-tales – all, without a trace of due process.  If the case against Anthony had gone to trial, this book, American Inquisition, would have been the star witness.  Anthony could have spent days examining this “witness” before a jury, and audience; and done enormous damage to the American taxing structure – and advanced the cause of constitutional government.  But, Anthony explains, the government’s actions, that is, its inquisitorial procedures, proved the main theme of his book.  At least he got something out of the disaster.

(Each of the above mentioned books costs 24.00, shipping included.)

Anthony believes that, if information in his writings became sufficiently known, too many bureaucrats would have to hang, or give back their plunder.  “Is this what triggered the government’s feeding-frenzy of violations against us,” he asks?  He asks that you be the judge, at no risk.  He has six titles (114.00, includes shipping); but first you may want to consider the three mentioned above.  And he doesn’t hesitate to encourage you to ask your lawyer to examine them.  He offers all of them with a 45-day, money-back guarantee.

If you want more detailed information first, simply send eight U. S. first-class stamps.

Send blank money order to Anthony Hargis; 2427 N. Tustin Av Suite B; Santa Ana, Cal. 92705.

 
 

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