herever one turns in
investigating P2, Gladio, the "black
aristocracy," international terrorism, or the Nazi
International, one encounters the SMOM
— the Sovereign Military and Hospitaller Order of St. John of
Jerusalem, of Rhodes, and of Malta, known as "the Knights of St.
John" or the "Knights of Malta."
They were omnipresent in the
establishment of the financial and human infrastructure of
modern international terrorism already during World War
II, and immediately thereafter.
SMOM member Baron Luigi Parilli, an
industrialist with high-level connections into both Hitler's SS
and SD in Italy, and to Mussolini's intelligence services, was
the main liaison between SS Gen. Karl Wolff and Allen Dulles in
Berne. SMOM bestowed one of its
highest awards, Gran Croce Al Merito Con Placca, on
U.S. Ambassador to Italy Ellery Stone,
who had saved Borghese, and who became a postwar vice-president
of the ITT corporation, which helped
organize the Sept. 11, 1973 overthrow of Chilean President
Salvador Allende and the installation of dictator Gen. Augusto
Pinochet. The SMOM awarded its Croce
Al Merito Seconda Classe to Italy's OSS
chief James Jesus Angleton in 1946, around the same time
it honored his boss, Allen Dulles. The following year, it
bestowed the Gran Croce al Merito con Placca upon Hitler's
Eastern Front intelligence chief Reinhard Gehlen, one of only
four recipients of this award at the time. Gehlen's brother was
the secretary to Thun Hohenstein, one of the five-member ruling
Sovereign Council of the order. As head of the Institute for
Associated Emigrations, Hohenstein printed some 2,000 passports,
which were used to relocate leading Nazis to safe hiding places
around the world.
Other leading Knights
included CIA chiefs Allen Dulles, John
McCone, and William Casey. Nazi International figure Otto
Skorzeny was a Knight, as was businessman J. Peter Grace, who
used the SMOM's diplomatic immunity as
a cover for Iran-Contra activities.
Sovereign Military Order of Malta logo
Numerous leaders of Italy's
military intelligence organization were members of both
SMOM and P2,
including Gen. Giuseppe Santovito (former head of
SISMI, which replaced
SID after 1977), Adm. Giovanni Torrisi,
Chief of the General Staff of the Army, and Gen. Giovanni
Allavena, head of SIFAR. Another key
P2 member who was a Knight was Count Umberto Ortolani, a member
of the SMOM's ruling inner council,
and a veteran of Mussolini's counterespionage service. Some say
he was the real brains behind P2, and
he did sponsor the entrance of P2 boss Licio Gelli into the
SMOM. Ortolani was a financier who,
among other things, owned the second-largest bank in Uruguay,
where he commanded enormous influence; the fascist Gelli had
been in exile in Ibero-America until higher powers brought him
back to Italy in the early 1960s to set up what became the P2
lodge.
As with any organization, not
all of its members are guilty, and sometimes not even witting of
the organization's crimes. In this case, however, given the
nature of the beast, that would be relatively rare. Besides the
repeated surfacing of SMOM members in
terrorist-related activities near the end of World War
II, one of their more recent
operations illustrates the organization's essential nature.
In 1978, following hard upon
the assassinations of Dresdner Bank head Jürgen Ponto, German
industrialist Hanns-Martin Schleyer, and Aldo Moro, the Knights
of Malta were caught red-handed coordinating an assassination
operation against Lyndon H. LaRouche, Jr. LaRouche was the
intellectual author of the Bremen summit of that year, where
French President Valéry Giscard d'Estaing, West German
Chancellor Helmut Schmidt, and British Prime Minister James
Callaghan (the last under duress) signed the Bremen Communiqué,
which announced the formation of the European Monetary System.
The EMS, in the words of one West
German official, was intended to be "the seed crystal of a new
world monetary system." Bremen struck horror into the hearts of
the world's oligarchy. Said one senior officer of the Banque
Bruxelles-Lambert, owned by the Belgian Rothschilds, "It is
recognized that it was LaRouche's program that went through at
Bremen. If it goes through now, certain important financial
centers are going to lose their power. A lot of people are not
going to like that." The director of a Knights-run institute in
Belgium was more succinct: "LaRouche is the first enemy of the
London group." In New York, Knight Henry S. Bloch, director of
Warburg, Pincus investment bank, whose hands investigators
discovered to be holding many of the strings of the plot,
proclaimed LaRouche to be "very dangerous," and pointedly
compared him to Malcolm X, assassinated in 1965.
In their investigations of
the SMOM, LaRouche's associates
"discovered to their surprise that the mere mention of its name
inspires awe and terror in the minds of highly placed government
officials, central bankers, senior military and business
leaders, and senior diplomatic and intelligence executives," as
recorded in a pamphlet issued by the LaRouche organization at
the time, "The `Black International' Terrorist Assassination
Plot to Kill Lyndon H. LaRouche, Jr." The pamphlet further
reported, "The power that the Order concentrates is primarily
financial, through direct control of most of the Western world's
leading investment houses" and far, far more. The pamphlet also
noted, "A second source of power is an absolutely unmatched
intelligence capability." Which is to say, the
SMOM is a leading organizational arm
of the Synarchy, bringing together the world's leading
aristocrats, financiers, and particularly military and
intelligence officials. Its members yearn for the ultramontane
world which existed before the rise of sovereign nation-states
during the Renaissance, which meant a loss of power and
privilege of their families. To them, that vanished world is as
if yesterday. Indeed, it has by no means entirely disappeared,
but lives on, centered—like the Knights themselves—on the
Venetian-descended "independent central banks" of virtually
every nation in the world, as LaRouche has emphasized.
The Knights of St. John were
founded in the late 11th Century, and rose to prominence in the
First Crusade of 1095. In 1120, Pope Urban II officially
recognized them as a military religious order, and for centuries
they remained one of the most powerful military forces in
Christendom, first from their headquarters on the island of
Rhodes, and then on Malta, from which they were finally driven
by Napoleon in the late 18th Century. The Knights were
recognized as a sovereign state by a Hapsburg Emperor in the
16th Century. They remain a sovereign state, run from their
headquarters at 68 Via Condotti in Rome. They maintain their own
fleet of aircraft, have diplomatic relations with 92 nations as
well as the United Nations and the Holy See, and enjoy
diplomatic immunity. The order is entirely Roman Catholic, and
its higher ranks must document an aristocratic lineage and
coat-of-arms of at least three centuries. The Grand Master of
the order is both a secular prince, and a cardinal of the
Church. Reflecting its history, its membership is still heavily
comprised of individuals with a military or intelligence
background. Pope Pius XII ordered an
investigation of this nominally Catholic organization in the
1950s. The Papal Commission charged, among other things, that
the Order should not have the sovereignty of a state, and
ordered modifications of the SMOM "to
bring them into conformity with decisions of the Holy See."
However, Pius XII died before the
Order could be fully reined in.
In addition to the Roman
Catholic SMOM, there are four
Protestant orders of the Knights, all founded within the last
150 years or so, and all run by ruling houses of Europe. The
Roman Catholic and Protestant orders effectively merged on Nov.
26, 1963, four days after the assassination of John F. Kennedy.
The Sovereign Head of the British Knights is Queen Elizabeth,
while the Netherlands Knights were headed until his death by the
former SS official, Prince Bernhard of the Netherlands, consort
of Queen Juliana.
In 1927, the Rome-based
SMOM authorized the establishment of
an American chapter, whose members did not have to prove their
aristocratic lineage. Its Treasurer and lay controller was John
J. Raskob, the bitterly anti-FDR head of the Democratic National
Committee, who in 1934 helped finance a coup attempt against
Roosevelt. Its Grand Protector and Spiritual Advisor was
Cardinal Francis Spellman of New York, one of whose closest Cold
War associates was Time/Life publisher and Congress for Cultural
Freedom co-founder Henry Luce.
Another Knight, who played a
profound role in Italy's postwar financial, economic and
political history was Prince Massimo Spada, the leading lay
financier of the Vatican's Institute for Religious Works,
commonly called the "Vatican Bank." Spada gave the
mafia-connected heroin launderer and later P2 financier Michele
Sindona his entrée into the Vatican's finances, which, given the
tax-sheltered, sovereign status of the Church within Italy (as
negotiated in the 1929 Concordat between Mussolini and the Holy
See), was invaluable for running all kinds of dirty operations.
However, in examining the
Vatican, one must always be careful to ask, "Whose Vatican? That
of all the modern popes? Or that of the black aristocracy?" And
to really unravel that question, insofar as it intersects
Ortolani, Gelli, Calvi, Spada, and their "Vatican-connected"
associates, and the deeper, "permanent" infrastructure of terror
in Italy, one must delve deeply into history, particularly that
of Venice, to understand the enormous power still wielded by
those whom Pope John Paul I, called "the ancients," during the
time he was Patriarch of Venice. After all, as LaRouche has
stressed, those "ancients" of Venice have given us the modern
Anglo-Dutch parliamentary system, with its privately controlled
central banks, and the Synarchy's present drive for world rule.
Under Anglo-American direction, those Venetian "ancients" also
brought Mussolini to power in the first place, and then
organized the financial world of the Vatican, into which
Ortolani, Gelli, Calvi et al. were inserted.
The Legacy of History: The
Venetian Factor
In 1582, the 40 or so
families which controlled the vast fortunes and far-flung
intelligence capabilities of Venice, split into two factions:
the nuovi (the "new" houses, or families) and the vecchi (the
"old" houses). On the surface, the appellations seemed to refer
to those families ennobled since the serrata, the closing of the
Grand Council in 1297, who were called the nuovi; whereas those
who had already held titles of nobility, were the vecchi. In
fact, the upheaval was the result of the establishment of
sovereign nation-states for the first time in history, as a
consequence of the Renaissance. The city-state of Venice, never
more than 200,000 people, could not stand against the new powers
that were coming into being, founded to promote the Common Good
of their citizenry; the sheer numbers, the science and
technology, the military power, were too much for even the
powerful and devious masters of La Serenissima (as Venice is
famously called).
The nuovi realized that,
notwithstanding the bloody religious warfare which Venice had
unleashed in Europe following the failure of the League of
Cambrai to defeat Venice in 1511, its days were ultimately
numbered. They took several strategic actions. First, under the
leadership of Paolo Sarpi, they created the philosophy of
empiricism, as a sense-certainty-based fraud whose purpose was
to destroy the creative method of Platonic hypothesizing.
Second, also under Sarpi's leadership, they launched a fierce
war against the Vatican, posing as the bastion of "enlightened"
Europe against obscurantist Rome. Third, they brought the newly
emerging Protestant powers England and Holland (whose rise came
largely thanks to Venice itself), into what had always been the
cornerstone of Venice's fortunes—its trade with the East Indies.
The Venetians founded the British East India Company in 1600
(from a merger of the England-based Venice Company and the
Turkey Company) and the Dutch East India Company in 1602, and
the wealth derived from this trade helped create or enrich a
number of great aristocratic families in both countries, along
the Venetian model. And, as LaRouche has often emphasized, the
British East India Company became the foremost power in the
world in 1763, in the wake of the British-rigged Seven Years'
War among contending European powers, in the classic Venetian
"divide and conquer" method. Fourth, they moved much of their
fortunes (and even some of their families) north, first into
Holland, and then into England, where they created what would be
known in the 18th Century as "the Venetian Party." As part of
this, they established the famous Wisselbank (Exchange Bank) of
Amsterdam in 1609—the most powerful bank in the world—modelled
upon their own private, patrician-controlled banks, followed by
the Bank of England in 1694, both serving as the models upon
which all central banks have been established since then.
In part because of these
redeployments, Venice's financial power remained huge well into
the 18th Century, as did its legendary spy system, brilliantly
chronicled by Friedrich Schiller in his novella Der Geisterseher
(The Ghost-Seer), and American intelligence operative James
Fenimore Cooper in his novel The Bravo.8
Barings Bank in England, the bank of the British East India
Company, for instance, was the vehicle for Venetian funds in
Britain, and was at the center of the "Venetian Party," together
with the Bank of England.
Napoleon Bonaparte had been
partially sponsored and funded by Venetian and Genoese families:
The Genoese Princess Pallavicini of that era famously punned
that her family owned "la buona parte"—"the best part"—of him.
His Corsican family had been retainers for the Genoese and
Venetian nobility for centuries; and, as noted above, his
favorite sister married a Borghese. When Napoleon's ravages had
ended, Count Giovanni Capodistria, a Venetian nobleman acting as
a government minister of Russia, almost single-handledly wrote
the essential documents issued by the 1814-15 Congress of
Vienna, which established the ultra-reactionary Holy Alliance.
Capodistria also pulled together the modern nation of
Switzerland, in part as a repository for Venetian family funds (fondi),
which were also used to found several insurance companies in the
late 18th Century. These later included the Riunione Adriatica
di Sicurtà (RAS) and the Assicurazioni Generali di Venezia e
Trieste.9
At the turn of the 20th
Century, the "ancients" of Venice, although diminished, still
commanded important financial and intelligence power, both on
their own behalf, but also because they deployed as part of the
British- (and subsequently Anglo-American-) dominated world
which their ancestors had created. In the wake of the
split/redeployments of 1582, they cloned themselves and their
institutions and methods to dominate northern Protestant, often
freemasonic Europe, while they still maintained their power in
their historic seats of control in the formerly Hapsburg-ruled
southern, more Catholic portions of Europe, in particular in
Italy and Spain, and in the Church at Rome. They played a
crucial role in organizing the Balkan Wars which laid the
immediate basis for World War I, for which Britain's King Edward
VII had schemed for decades. In the
early 20th Century, a group of Venetian financier patricians,
led by Count Piero Foscari of an ancient family of Venetian
Doges, established a number of companies and banks. Chief among
the latter, was the Banca Commerciale Italiana (BCI), and in
particular its Venice branch.10
Though Foscari was the
undisputed leader of this Venetian group, its most active public
figure was Giuseppe Volpi, later known as Count Giuseppe Volpi
di Misurata, after his early-1920s rule of Italian-occupied
Libya on behalf of Mussolini. Acting as the point-man for an
international financial syndicate including the Bank of England,
the Mellons, and the House of Morgan, Volpi organized
Mussolini's rise to power, precisely as Schacht did later for
those same forces in installing Hitler in Germany. Volpi was
Mussolini's Finance Minister from 1925 to July 1928, following
which he became a member of the Grand Council of Fascism, and,
in 1934, chairman of the Industrialists Association. He designed
Mussolini's economic doctrine of corporatism along the model
originally laid down by Alexandre Saint-Yves d'Alveydre
(1842-1909), the founder of the Synarchy of Empire movement, and
the inspiration for the Martinist freemasonic lodges through
which the modern Synarchy was organized. Nominally a tripartite
pact among corporations, the state, and labor, it was basically
rule by corporations, i.e., private financiers.
In 1929, Volpi oversaw the
famous Concordat between Italy and the Vatican, in which, among
other things, Italy recognized the Vatican as a sovereign state,
and paid financial compensation for the Papal States in central
Italy which it had taken over in the second half of the 19th
Century. The compensation was 1,550 billion liras, a sizeable
sum at the time. One Bernardino Nogara was chosen, seemingly
"out of the blue," to manage this fortune. The prominent
American diplomat George Kennan wrote in his Memoirs: 1925-1950
about the extraordinary power commanded by Nogara: "A so-called
`mystery man,' an Italian banker by the name of Bernardino
Nogara, had been granted sole control by the papacy over the
entire fortune of $92.1 million the church had received from the
Lateran treaty. . . . No Vatican official, not even the Pope
himself was allowed veto power over Nogara's decision. Nor would
the banker permit any religious or doctrinal policies of the
church to stand in his way. . . . Never before in modern Church
history had anyone been granted such sweeping authority by the
church, not even popes themselves, with all their supposed
infallibility, let alone a layman, and non-Catholic (Jewish), as
in Nogara's case." His impact on the Church may also be judged
by the epitaph delivered upon his death in 1958 by the head of
the SMOM in America, New York's
Cardinal Spellman: "Next to Jesus Christ, the greatest thing to
happen to the Catholic Church is Bernardino Nogara."
Whether or not he was Jewish,
the "mystery man" was no mystery at all. Nogara had been
managing director for a Venetian firm run by Foscari, Volpi, et
al. in the Ottoman Empire already back in 1901. Reflecting his
Venetian ties, Nogara became Italy's representative on the
Ottoman Debt Council, a sort of IMF
for the Ottoman Empire, whose purpose was to bleed it and carve
it up. The British sponsored freemasonic lodges in Salonika,
from which the "Young Turks" were organized to oust the Sultan.
The freemason Volpi was intimately involved in the coup, as,
undoubtedly, was Nogara. Nogara was the head of the
BCI branch in Istanbul, and was
Volpi's chief intelligence agent in the Ottoman Empire until
that empire disappeared in the World War I which Volpi and his
friends had done so much to help organize, through the masonic
lodges and through Venice's ancient financial and familial ties
in the Balkans.
After Nogara had been chosen
Delegate of the Special Administration (later known as the
Administration of the Holy See Patrimony) to oversee the
investment of the wealth flowing from the Concordat, he became
vice president of the BCI, upon whose
postwar premises the P2 lodge would be founded. Nogara
established intimate financial relations with the cream of the
Synarchy, including the Paris and London Rothschilds, Crédit
Suisse, Hambros Bank in London, J.P.
Morgan Bank, and the Bankers Trust Company in New York, and the
Paris-centered Banque de Paris et des Pay Bas (Paribas), a
stronghold of the Synarchy in France in the interwar and postwar
years. He also promoted a cadre of uomini di fiducia, "men of
confidence," Vatican lay Catholic or even non-Catholic
financiers, who would oversee the enormous new Vatican holdings.
Nogara bought large or controlling interests in dozens of major
banks, utilities, insurance companies, and industrial
corporations, even as he reorganized previous Vatican holdings,
such as the "Catholic banks" which were generally
Catholic-owned, and which did business with the Church and its
officials, as opposed to the "secular" banks.
The most important of these
"men of confidence" was Prince Massimo Spada (a Vatican title),
who had been inducted as a Knight of Malta in 1944. Spada either
chaired or sat on the board of an astounding array of the
holdings Nogara purchased. Noting only a few of the more
important (and their capital), as of the late 1960s, these
included: He was vice-president of the Banco di Roma (one of
Italy's largest banks, historically associated with Rome's black
nobility), and sat on the board of its Swiss subsidiary; Italy's
biggest domestic gas company, Società Italiana per il Gas
(37,412 million liras); president of the Trieste-based Riunione
Adriatica di Sicurtà insurance company (4.320 billion liras);
vice president and managing director of the
L'Assicuratrice Italiana; vice president of both the
Unione Subalpina di Assicurazioni and of the Lavoro e Sicurtà
(750 million liras); Shell Italiana, the Italian subsidiary of
Royal Dutch Shell (129 billion liras invested in Italy); vice
president of the Istituto Bancario Italiano (10 billion liras)
and the Credito Commerciale di Cremona (2 billion liras); board
member of the Banca Privata Finanzaria; board member of the huge
financial holding companies, Società Meridionale Finanziaria
(122 billion liras) and the Istituto Centrale Finanziario (150
million liras); vice president of the Finanzaria Industriale e
Commerciale; president of the Banca Cattolica del Veneto (3
billion liras); board of directors of
FINSIDER, a state-controlled holding company (195 billion
liras), which is part of IRI, the
Istituto per la Ricostruzione Industriale, formed during the
Fascist regime, which constituted the country's largest cartel
and controlled the biggest shipyards; the Italia shipping line;
Alitalia airlines; Alfa Romeo; and the entire telephone system.
FINSIDER produced at the time over 90%
of Italy's steel and was the backbone of IRI.
Spada was also a board member or executive of dozens more banks,
insurance, and industrial companies. In 1963 he was appointed
Privy Chamberlain of Sword and Cape, one of the highest of all
Vatican titles, one also held by his brother Filippo.11
With all of this enormous
power, and despite his leading position in the Catholic Church,
Spada sponsored the rise of Michele Sindona as one of the
Vatican's "men of confidence." His choice was most peculiar, not
only because Sindona had been a Fascist during the war, but
because during that time he had made connections (through
American OSS-connected mobster Vito
Genovese) to the Inzerillo and Gambino crime families, for whom
he laundered heroin money.
Reviewing the picture
sketched above, we thus find that an intricate financial web
originally woven by Count Giuseppe Volpi di Misurata and his
Venetian aristocratic friends and associates such as Bernardino
Nogara, had grown by 1960 to include Michele Sindona, who
financed one of Gladio's most important assets, the "Black
Prince" Borghese. Sindona also "was one of the channels, perhaps
one of the most important, to back up" the attempted coups of
1970-74, as Greene and Massignani put it. Sindona later
sponsored the rise of Banco Ambrosiano's Roberto Calvi, the P2
financier who was found hanging under Blackfriars Bridge in
London in 1982, in a ritualistic masonic murder. And, when the
P2 financial scandals exploded, one of those arrested as a key
figure in them, was Massimo Spada, the protégé of Volpi's friend
Nogara.
The membership of the
ostensibly Catholic—and therefore ostensibly
anti-freemasonic—Rome-centered SMOM
overlapped with the freemasonic, presumably "anti-clerical" P2
lodge; they were the "twins" of Italy's Venice-centered
oligarchy.
The privately run
international monetary system is now collapsing, and the
desperate financial oligarchy is trying to consolidate a new,
worldwide fascism, driven by new waves of terror, such as 9/11
and the March 11, 2004 train bombings in Madrid. In this
context, much of the superstructure of Gladio is finally being
exposed by those opposed to this new fascism. Those exposés are
essential. But, we must go still deeper, to lift the veil from
"the ancients," and through them from the Synarchy to which they
have given birth, of which they remain a crucial component.
Footnotes:
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[8] The extraordinary
financial power which Venice still commanded in the 18th Century
was documented by the Venetian nobleman Carlo Antonio Marin,
historian of Venice Frederick Lane, and others. Its
European-wide cultural warfare and espionage system was also
still highly effective, as evidenced in the international
campaign of the Paris-based Venetian Abbot Antonio Conti to
attempt to destroy the reputation of the great scientist
Gottfried Wilhelm Leibniz. An agent of Venice's ruling Council
of Ten, Count Cagliostro (Joseph Balsamo) organized the 1785
"Affair of the Queen's Necklace," the scandal which, as Napoleon
observed, was the opening act of the French Revolution, an event
financed and run out of Britain. Still another notorious
Venetian spy of the same era was Casanova, who reported directly
to the inner Three of the hooded, black-robed Council of Ten.
The scarlet-robed chief of the Three was known as the
Inquisitor, and in Venice it was understood that "The Ten will
send you to the torture chamber, but the Three will send you to
your grave."
Schiller chose to set his
masterful portrayal of the methods of the Venetian intelligence
service, as well as its Europe-wide reach, in the 18th Century;
he clearly was not writing of a merely "historical" matter, nor
was the patriotic American intelligence agent James Fenimore
Cooper, in his portrait written several decades later, though
Cooper set his tale centuries earlier. During the American
Revolution, Venice put its still-considerable fleet at the
service of the British.
[9] One of
the notable financiers of Borghese in-law Napoleon was the
Venetian Salomon Morpurgo, who later founded the Assicurazioni
Generali di Venezia e Trieste (General Insurance Company of
Venice and Trieste). Generali has been ruled ever since by a
kind of central committee of Europe's financier and aristocratic
oligarchy. On the board of Generali and its sister insurance
company, Riunione Adriatica di Sicurtà (RAS), over recent
decades, one finds such names as Giustiniani, Orsini, Luzzatto
(an old Venetian family), Rothschild, the Duke of Alba (whose
ancestor laid waste to the Netherlands for Philip II of Spain),
and Doria (Genoese financiers of the Hapsburgs). The president
of the RAS at one point was Sindona's
sponsor, Prince Massimo Spada, while Count Giuseppe Volpi di
Misurata chaired the Generali from 1938-43. Had the 1964 coup
been successful, the plotters planned to install Cesare
Merzagora, chairman of Generali from 1968-79. Generali's
chairman today is Antoine Bernheim, a senior partner of Lazard
Frères, and member of one of the four families which control
Lazard, a mainstay of the international Synarchy. Bernheim's
daughter married Prince Orsini.
Generali and
RAS are merely two important strands
of a much larger web of families and finance, but they
illustrate the directions in which one must look to discover the
"port" behind the "Port Authority" guarded by P2 boss Licio
Gelli, as Senator Pellegrino insightfully put it.
[10] The
activities of Foscari, Volpi, et al. as the product of
centuries-long Venetian operations in the Ottoman Empire, are
elaborated in The Roots of the Trust, by Allen and Rachel
Douglas (unpublished ms., 688 pages, 1997).
[11] The
partial list of Spada's corporate offices is taken from Conrado
Pallenberg, The Vatican Finances, (London: Peter Owen, 1971).