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Thursday, June 15, 2006

Who Is the Judge When Governments Commit Crimes?
by Anthony Hargis, June 15, 2006

Last Updated: Thursday, June 15, 2006 02:03:28 PM


hen a city, or country, appoints sentries, and they turn their guns against the city, who is proper judge of this group of men?

This presupposes an earlier question: ‘Once the city becomes aware of the treachery, what is the next step?’

When we tell our friend, or neighbor, about this treachery, what do we tell him to do – tell his friends and neighbors?  Is that all?

I mean, if all we do is tell one another about a treachery committed against us, what’s the point?  There has to be something beyond this.

Related articles:

Articles by Anthony Hargis


In a society where men are not accustomed to bended knees, the purpose of telling others is intended to eventually lead to punishment of perpetrators and recovery for victims.

When governments commit crimes, who are the proper investigators – the proper prosecutors – the proper judges – and who properly enforces such judgments?

Shall we seek redress thru the process of voting?  The enemy will parade twenty candidates before you, and each will tell you exactly what you want to hear.  You will vote for them.  They will win office; and immediately forsake their campaign promises.  It’s real easy; you’ve seen endless examples of it.

By this process, people give power to perverted dandies and bandits.  It is the way of all elections.

It doesn’t work.

Shall we write letters to elected officials – I mean, those dandies and bandits that voters put into office?  To the man with a gram of reason, this question answers itself.

It doesn’t work.

Shall we seek redress by impeachment of officials that contributed to such grievances?  Impeachment has to be done by Congress.  But, remember, Congressmen bought or lied their way into office.  These are the people who mandated, aided, or benefited from many or all grievances you could possibly name.

It doesn’t work.

Shall we seek redress from judges?  These received their offices by appointment and approval of those dandies and bandits that voters put into office.

It doesn’t work.

The day will come in every man’s life when he has to face the reality that, no matter how deeply he bends his knees, he cannot persuade bandits to hang or drown themselves.  Our history books are destitute of such examples.

So, what’s left?

The day is common, whether it comes in the life of a man or the life of a society.  There comes a time in the life of every society when those who would be free have to take matters into their own hands.  The time is two hundred years over due.  The instrument waiting for us is the little-understood right of petition.

It is not actually a right at all; it is a complex of rights.  The right of petition has at least six component rights: of assembly; of expression (speech and press); of investigation; of prosecution; of judgment; and of enforcement of such judgments.

There is more: the right of petition is not a right at all: it is a power – the power of sovereignty.  It is the right – or power – by which all other rights are secured, and governments are made accountable.

All these rights are exercised thru the mechanism of constitutional assemblies; it is impossible to exercise, or secure, these rights as individual citizens.  In other words, without fully functional assemblies, the right of petition, and all our other rights, exist only as ink on a piece of paper, or vibrations in the air: our rights have no security, and bureaucrats commit crimes with complete impunity.

It is nothing new; Englishmen used most of this power in their revolution of 1640; Americans used a large fraction of it in their Revolution of 1776.

In the meantime, Americans have lost knowledge of almost all the power available thru the right of petition.

A main attribute of this right that Americans have forgotten is that we have a right to take back power delegated to officials when they abuse that power.  I document numerous examples, in my book The Lost Right, of how Englishmen and Americans took back such power and made corrupt office holders accountable for their crimes.

In other words, I show that the right of petition – by its full power – is a historically-proven method by which to redress grievances, to make governments accountable and, thus, to secure rights.

But enough of this; the history, legal principals and technology of the right of petition are available in my book.

If you want to secure your rights – and simultaneously make governments accountable – you have to establish constitutional assemblies.  Our history books have amply demonstrated that nothing else provides these results.  Assemblies are bodies of private men organized for the purpose of redressing every kind of grievance: in England, such assemblies were known as parliaments; in America, as town meetings, county meetings, and continental congresses.  A grievance is any obstacle to a peaceful and just society that requires the concerted effort of that society to remove that obstacle.  A grievance could be the lack of a road between point A and point B; prison abuses; protection of borders; corruption in public offices; pollution of rivers and lakes; the failure to investigate events of 9/11; or a hundred others.

You may think that it would be a massive job to organize an assembly.  Yes and no. 

         The easy part: there are already thousands of assemblies in existence.  You see, there are probably fifty million to seventy million people in this country right now that have some kind of grievance against government; there are probably twenty to fifty thousand groups that are seeking some kind of redress.  All of these groups – in fact and law – are constitutional assemblies.  There are two problems here: these groups do not know they are assemblies, and they might be using one twentieth of the power available to them thru the right of petition.

For example, if a group is only telling people about a grievance – and suggests nothing beyond this, it is using only a very small, but essential, part of the right of petition – the right, or power, of expression.  If the group suggests time-proven futile means of redress, it is actively sabotaging any effort for redress – regardless of intention.

The most difficult part about establishing assemblies is the almost total lack of knowledge and experience related to the procedures of petition.  It took the English more than four hundred years between the first public declaration of this right (in the Magna Carta) and the first reasonable application of it (their revolution of 1640).  Relative to this knowledge, Americans are in the pre-Magna-Carta era.

So, if you are affiliated with any group that has a grievance against government, you are a member of a constitutional assembly.  The information in my book, The Lost Right, [http://www.illuminati-news.com/anthony-hargis-5.htm] explains the history, law, and technology that have been erased from our history and law books.  The information in it can save you three hundred to four hundred years of trial and error.

In other words, while some people will want to organize a new assembly, the vast majority of people will only have to re-organize their groups.  For either case, I suggest my book as a study guide; and that regular meetings be scheduled to discuss or debate various chapters of it.  What happens next will be a continuation of the experiment begun in 1765.

The information in The Lost Right (and my other books [http://www.illuminati-news.com/anthony-hargis-3.htm]) is explosive.  I have uncovered three or four major treasons with clear and well-grounded evidence – you can show my books to your lawyer.  The dandies and bandits who have captured American governments regard my information as so dangerous that they perpetrated a classic inquisition against me in an attempt to silence me.  They fabricated entirely groundless charges against me (alleging that I helped organize “illegal tax shelters”); jailed me for five months (because I refused to turn over records of my customers); confiscated my company; fabricated astronomically ridiculous taxes, approaching eighty millions, against me (using customers’ property as a basis); seized my phone number, mail address and website; erased eleven pages from my website (as books are burned); and more.

All this was done despite the facts that there was no crime; no evidence; no witnesses; no opportunity to examine evidence or accuser; no trial, no jury.  It was a classic inquisition [http://www.illuminati-news.com/anthony-hargis-1.htm].

I like to sum up this experience by observing that, if I had violated a law – or if my arguments were wishy-washy, or groundless, the government would have been delighted to take this case to trial and make a three-ring circus of it – and make a damn fool of me.  It didn’t happen; my facts and arguments are so dangerous, the government could not allow me near a jury.

The government is trying to tell you something: I have clearly exposed several of their major treasons – and recovered from darkness the knowledge of redress.

* * *

If you are not able to view the above web page pertaining to The Lost Right, the book may be purchased by sending a blank money order for 24.00 (20.00 plus p & h) to Anthony Hargis; 2427 N. Tustin Av, Unit B; Santa Ana, Cal. 92705.

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Last Updated:
Thursday, June 15, 2006 02:03:28 PM

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