ne of the cleverest films I have seen is
Groundhog Day, in which Bill Murray
plays a TV weatherman who finds himself
stuck in time. At first he deludes
himself that the same day and the same
people and the same circumstances offer
new opportunities. Finally, his naivety
and false hope desert him and he
realises the truth of his predicament
and escapes. Is this a parable for the
age of Obama?
Having campaigned with "Change you can
believe in", President-elect Barack
Obama has named his A-team. They include
Hillary Clinton, who voted to attack
Iraq without reading the intelligence
assessment and has since threatened to
"totally obliterate" Iran on behalf of a
foreign power, Israel. During his
primary campaign, Obama referred
repeatedly to Clinton's lies about her
political record. When he appointed her
secretary of state, he called her "my
dear friend".
Obama's slogan is now "continuity". His
secretary of defence will be Robert
Gates, who serves the lawless,
blood-soaked Bush regime as secretary of
defence, which means secretary of war
(America last had to defend itself when
the British invaded in 1812). Gates
wants no date set for an Iraq withdrawal
and "well north of 20,000" troops to be
sent to Afghanistan. He also wants
America to build a completely new
nuclear arsenal, including "tactical"
nuclear weapons that blur the
distinction with conventional weapons.
Another product of "continuity" is
Obama's first choice for CIA chief, John
Brennan, who shares responsibility for
the systematic kidnapping and torturing
of people, known as "extraordinary
rendition". Obama has assigned Madeleine
Albright to report on how to "strengthen
US leadership in responding to
genocide". Albright, as secretary of
state, was largely responsible for the
siege of Iraq in the 1990s, described by
the UN's Denis Halliday as genocide.
There is more continuity in Obama's
appointment of officials who will deal
with the economic piracy that brought
down Wall Street and impoverished
millions. As in Bill Murray's nightmare,
they are the same officials who caused
it. For example, Lawrence Summers will
run the National Economic Council. As
treasury secretary, according to the New
York Times, he "championed the law that
deregulated derivatives, the...
instruments – aka toxic assets – that
have spread financial losses [and]
refused to heed critics who warned of
dangers to come".
There is logic here. Contrary to myth,
Obama's campaign was funded largely by
rapacious capital, such as Citigroup and
others responsible for the sub-prime
mortgage scandal, whose victims were
mostly African Americans and other poor
people.
Is this a grand betrayal? Obama has
never hidden his record as a man of a
system described by Martin Luther King
as "the greatest purveyor of violence in
the world today". Obama's dalliance as a
soft critic of the disaster in Iraq was
in line with most Establishment opinion
that it was "dumb". His fans include the
war criminals Tony Blair, who has
"hailed" his appointments, and Henry
Kissinger, who describes the appointment
of Hillary Clinton as "outstanding". One
of John McCain's principal advisers, Max
Boot, who is on the Republican Party's
far right, said: "I am "gobsmacked by
these appointments. [They] could just as
easily have come from a President
McCain."
Obama's victory is historic, not only
because he will be the first black
president, but because he tapped in to a
great popular movement among America's
minorities and the young outside the
Democratic Party. In 2006 Latinos, the
country's largest minority, took America
by surprise when they poured into the
cities to protest against George W
Bush's draconian immigration laws. They
chanted: "Si, se puede!" ("Yes we
can!"), a slogan Obama later claimed as
his own. His secretary for homeland
security is Janet Napolitano who, as
governor of Arizona, made her name by
stoking hostility against Latino
immigrants. She has militarised her
state's border with Mexico and supported
the building of a hideous wall, similar
to the one dividing occupied Palestine.
On election eve, reported Gallup, most
Obama supporters were "engaged" but
"deeply pessimistic about the country's
future direction". My guess is that many
people knew what was coming, but hoped
for the best. In exploiting this hope,
Obama has all but neutered the anti-war
movement that is historically allied to
the Democrats. After all, who can argue
with the symbol of the first black
president in this country of slavery,
regardless of whether he is a warmonger?
As Noam Chomsky has pointed out, Obama
is a "brand" like none other, having won
the highest advertising campaign
accolade and attracted unprecedented
sums of money. The brand will sell for a
while. He will close Guantanamo Bay,
whose inmates represent less than one
per cent of America's 27,000 "ghost
prisoners". He will continue to make
stirring, platitudinous speeches, but
the tears will dry as people understand
that President Obama is the latest
manager of an ideological machine that
transcends electoral power. Asked what
his supporters would do when reality
intruded, Stephen Walt, an Obama
adviser, said: "They have nowhere else
to go."
Not yet. If there is a happy ending to
the Groundhog Day of repeated wars and
plunder, it may well be found in the
very mass movement whose enthusiasts
registered voters and knocked on doors
and brought Obama to power. Will they
now be satisfied as spectators to the
cynicism of "continuity"? In less than
three months, millions of angry
Americans have been politicised by the
spectacle of billions of dollars of
handouts to Wall Street as they struggle
to save their jobs and homes. It as if
seeds have begun to sprout beneath the
political snow. And history, like
Groundhog Day, can repeat itself. Few
predicted the epoch-making events of the
1960s and the speed with which they
happened. As a beneficiary of that time,
Obama should know that when the blinkers
are removed, anything is possible.